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lundi 18 novembre 2013 par Philippe Lewandowski

 
Nous reproduisons ici la chronique Palestine de notre ami Philippe Lewandowski parue dans le numéro d’octobre de la revue Démocratie&Socialisme.

Il n’est pas simple d’aborder le sujet des femmes de Palestine, car celle ou celui qui s’y lance est d’emblée obligé de naviguer entre plusieurs écueils, tout aussi périlleux les uns que les autres.

Le fait même de l’aborder brise deux tabous :

- celui de la négation, pour qui raisonne dans le cadre d’une société dominée par une idéologie machiste, clanique ou religieuse ;
- celui de la secondarité, pour qui pense qu’il faut accorder une priorité absolue à la lutte d’un peuple contre l’occupation.

L’abandon des stéréotypes traditionnels dans la perception occidentale constitue un prérequis indispensable pour quiconque cherche à comprendre une réalité mouvante : foin donc des réminiscences bibliques et des représentations orientalistes, mais aussi des iconographies contemporaines. Ce sont les femmes réelles qui nous intéressent.

Et la première difficulté que nous rencontrons est celle de l’éclatement de la société palestinienne : car outre une histoire et une identité communes, les vécus de celles qui se trouvent en Israël, dans les territoires palestiniens occupés, dans la bande de Gaza, ou en exil dans un autre pays d’Orient ou d’Occident, dans un camp de réfugiés ou non, sont d’une grande diversité, qu’enrichissent encore les multiples cultures au sein desquelles ils se situent. Parler d’une femme palestinienne-type serait donc une erreur.

Le renvoi au cadre de référence arabe s’avère également insuffisant : « Dans la mesure où il existe vraiment un « féminisme arabe », le combat des femmes palestiniennes contre les préjugés culturels et sociaux rejoint plus ou moins celui des autres femmes arabes. Mais il s’en distingue complètement dans sa dimension politique, compte tenu de la situation propre de la Palestine comme pays occupé. Et il se démarque plus encore du féminisme occidental : l’idée que se font les féministes européennes ou américaines de la domination masculine sur les femmes en Palestine occulte complètement l’oppression que les autorités d’occupation imposent à tous les Palestiniens. Depuis l’occupation israélienne de 1967, pas une seule famille qui n’ait été, de près ou de loin, touchée par la peur, la souffrance ou l’occupation. » [1]

Née à Bethléem, et déjà réalisatrice d’un film remarqué sur le même thème [2], Norma Marcos s’est attelée à la tâche difficile de nous présenter ce paysage humain si particulier.

UN LIVRE PIONNIER

La lecture de ce livre pionnier suffit à mettre au rencart tous les préjugés possibles sur la passivité supposée des femmes de Palestine. Elles entrent en effet sur la scène politique dès les premières années du mandat britannique, participant aux manifestations contre l’occupation anglaise. L’an 1929 est marqué par la mort de 9 manifestantes sous les balles de soldats anglais en août, la première conférence de femmes à Jérusalem (200 participantes) suivie d’une manifestation où elles enlèvent leurs voiles [3], et la création d’un Arab Women’s Committee qui témoigne du développement de la conscience politique de ses membres. Dans les années 50, des femmes deviennent membres des partis politiques clandestins (parti communiste, parti Ba’as, mouvement nationaliste arabe). Dans les années 60 et 70, elles prennent également part à la lutte armée telle qu’elle se mène alors. À partir de 1978, le FPDLP, le PCP, le Fatah et le FPLP mettent en place des comités spécifiques, qui s‘unissent en 1989 pour former un Conseil supérieur des femmes. Néanmoins « la proportion de femmes organisées et affiliées aux comités ne dépasse pas 3 %. De plus, l’inféodation des comités aux diverses organisations politiques les affaiblit, les privant d’une vision féministe unitaire et autonome » [4].

Ces avancées ne vont pas sans reculs, qui rappellent que pour les femmes, rien ne semble jamais définitivement acquis. C’est ainsi qu’en dépit d’une déclaration tardive du Commandement Unifié de l’Intifada de 1989 en faveur de la femme par rapport à la question du voile, le voile islamique est imposé aux femmes même chrétiennes à Gaza.

La suite est quelque peu déroutante, car elle ne semble correspondre à aucun schéma occidental préétabli : en 1996, 5 femmes sont élues au Parlement palestinien, quota porté à 8 minimum (pour cette instance de 132 sièges) par une loi adoptée par le Conseil Législatif Palestinien dès l’année suivante. « Dans la foulée de cette législation, un nombre sans précédent de femmes fait irruption sur la scène politique palestinienne » [5].

En vrac : Jamila Al Shanti devient membre élu du Conseil Législatif Palestinien pour le Hamas. Maryem Mahmoud Saley est élue membre de ce même conseil sur la liste « Changement et réforme » (Hamas) et est présentée par Ismail Haniye comme ministre des Affaires des Femmes dans le nouveau gouvernement (2006). Janet Mikhail, membre du FPLP, est élue maire de Ramallah avec le soutien de son parti et du Hamas, obtenant 9 voix (dont celles du Hamas) contre 6 pour le candidat du Fatah.

En 2012, des listes exclusivement femmes à Hébron et à Saffa se présentent aux élections municipales en Cisjordanie. Vera Baboun devient la première maire femme de la ville de Bethléem.

Mais tout récemment (automne 2013), Mazin Qumsiyeh dénonce encore des crimes dits d’honneur : « Deux femmes (dont une handicapée) ont été assassinées dans les territoires occupés par les Israéliens cette semaine, l’une dans le district de Deir Al Goshn (Tulkarem), et l’autre à Yatte (Hébron). C’est ce que certains appellent des « meurtres d’honneur ». Y a-t-il quelque chose de plus horrible que de prétendre que l’honneur peut être rétabli par des meurtres. Je pense que nous devrions tous écrire à l’Autorité Palestinienne pour exiger que les assassins rendent des comptes (ils doivent être traités comme tout autre coupable de meurtre avec préméditation » [6].

DES COMPLÉMENTS NÉCESSAIRES

Si le livre de Norma Marcos a l’immense mérite de dévoiler des pans jusqu’alors ignorés d’un territoire inconnu, il laisse cependant en partie sur sa faim le lecteur entrevoyant d’autres horizons.

L’ouvrage est en grande partie construit sur les portraits de cinq femmes engagées : Samiha Khalil, Rima Nasir Tarazi, May Sayyegh, Zahira Kamal et Souad Amiry. Il est vrai qu’elles ne sont pas toutes féministes. Mais prendre la parole et s’organiser dans une société encore majoritairement soumise à une idéologie conservatrice demande déjà un courage certain et mérite d’être salué.

La tonalité d‘ensemble demeure sombre : ce sont les femmes « les plus défavorisées, du point de vue économique comme du point de vue éducatif, qui se sont trouvées les plus réceptives aux arguments islamistes [dans le cadre du débat sur les questions juridiques liées à leur statut]. Le mouvement féministe fut donc contraint de revoir sa stratégie de réformes ».

Le « printemps arabe » de 2011 change-t-il la donne ? « Un nouveau mouvement de jeunes femmes palestiniennes s’est affirmé. Pour la première fois, plutôt que de solliciter l’autorisation d’obtenir l’égalité des rôles, les femmes ont décidé d’agir d’emblée en égales. Parvenu à rester non politisé [ ?], le mouvement a attiré un nombre croissant de jeunes femmes. Chants et manifestations sont dirigés tant contre l’occupation que contre la direction locale. Chaque semaine, dans les divers villages, on peut voir ces femmes se tenir au tout premier rang des manifestations. La plupart quittent leur domicile secrètement » [7].

Peut-être faudrait-il aussi signaler l’apparition, en Israël, d’une authentique dirigeante politique d’envergure sous les traits de Haneen Zoabi, une députée palestinienne qui n’hésite pas à prendre des initiatives aussi pertinentes que courageuses [8]. Prolonger la réflexion menée en y intégrant les Palestiniennes d’Israël ne pourrait que l’enrichir. D’autant plus que la problématique de l’État unique refait surface avec de plus en plus d’insistance, étant donné le fiasco avéré (pour les Palestiniens) de la stratégie d’Oslo de pseudo-négociations sans fin. Mais ce débat politique là nous éloignerait de notre sujet initial.

Revenons-y donc, et reconnaissons avec Norma Marcos que si les femmes palestiniennes sont des femmes comme les autres, leurs conditions de lutte sont cependant beaucoup plus difficiles qu’ailleurs : à l’idéologie patriarcale et religieuse s’ajoute en effet une occupation pour laquelle les gouvernements occidentaux n’ont que trop de complaisance.

Norma Marcos, Le désespoir voilé : femmes et féministes de Palestine. Paris : Riveneuve éditions, 2013.- ISBN 978-2-36013-147-1.- 20 euros
Notes

[1] Norma Marcos, « Le désespoir voilé », Paris, 2013, p.11.

[2] Norma Marcos, « L’espoir voilé », 1994.

[3] « Pour sauver notre pays, il faut enlever notre voile », Norma Marcos, « Le désespoir voilé », p.323.

[4] Norma Marcos, op. cit., p.27.

[5] Norma Marcos, idem, p.326.

[6] Mazin Qumsiyeh, « Common morality », 22-09-2013, http://popular-resistance.blogspot.fr/2013/09/common-morality.html , consulté le 29-09-2013.

[7] Norma Marcos, idem, p.37.

[8] Cf. « Femmes d’action », in Démocratie & socialisme n°177, septembre 2010.

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 Des Palestiniennes 24 mai 2017, par Joesph Weinman

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 Des Palestiniennes 24 mai 2017, par Willie
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