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L’hypocrisie des dirigeants de l’Union européenne

mercredi 4 mars 2015 par Jean-Jacques Chavigné

 

Les dirigeants de l’Union européenne ne veulent surtout pas que le gouvernement grec réussisse. Sa réussite signifierait qu’une autre voie est possible pour l’UE et que les politiques d’austérité et de « réformes structurelles » ne sont pas une fatalité. Le gouvernement d’Alexis Tsipras a réussi à franchir la première étape avec l’accord du 20 février et l’acceptation de sa liste de réformes par l’Eurogroupe, le 24 février, mais tout va être fait pour lui mettre des bâtons dans les roues.

Les dirigeants de l’UE, sous la direction d’Angela Merkel, justifient leur politique par une propagande constante, relayée par les principaux médias, reprenant en boucle trois arguments : « l’UE a dépensé des centaines de milliards d’euros pour sauver la Grèce » ; « les règles doivent être respectées » et « une dette doit être remboursée ». Ces trois arguments sont pourtant aussi fallacieux les uns que les autres.

1- « L’UE a dépensé des centaines de milliards pour sauver la Grèce »

Les « aides » à la Grèce » n’ont jamais eu et n’ont toujours qu’une seule fonction : lui permettre de payer ses créanciers.

• Avant la restructuration de la dette grecque, en 2012, les « plans d’aide » à la Grèce n’étaient que des plans de sauvetage des banques européennes

Tous les fonds versés à la Grèce par la Troïka étaient versés, à la demande expresse d’Angela Merkel et de Nicolas Sarkozy, sur un compte spécial. Ils étaient ensuite utilisés, dans leur quasi-totalité, au paiement des intérêts et au remboursement des titres de sa dette qui arrivaient à échéance. Ils étaient alors essentiellement détenus par les banques.

Les prétendus plans de sauvetage de la Grèce étaient, en réalité, des plans de sauvetage des banques, en particulier des banques françaises et allemandes : les Grecs n’en ont pas vu la couleur !

• Après la restructuration de la dette grecque, les aides de l’UE, du FMI, de la BCE et des États européens iront, en priorité, au remboursement de l’UE, du FMI, de la BCE et des États européens !

En 2012, les banques ont réussi à transmettre le mistigri de leurs créances aux États européens, à l’UE et à la BCE qui détiennent maintenant 80 % de la dette publique grecque.

La transformation des dettes privées en dettes publiques est un classique auquel la crise de 2007-2008 a redonné une nouvelle jeunesse. Elle a un double mérite : épargner la Finance et servir de levier pour imposer des politiques d’austérité et de « réformes structurelles » favorables aux détenteurs de capitaux.

Les fonds demandés par la Grèce à l’Union européenne en février dernier ont toujours la même fonction : lui permettre de payer ses créanciers. La Grèce doit verser 2 milliards d’euros d’intérêts à ses créanciers publics et privés, début mars et 1,6 milliards, fin mars, au FMI. En juillet et août, c’est au total 7,5 milliards d’euros que la Grèce doit payer à la BCE en remboursement des titres de sa dette arrivés à échéance et en paiement des intérêts.

Demander à la Grèce de rembourser la BCE est d’autant plus absurde que celle-ci n’en a nul besoin puisque c’est elle qui crée les euros et que ce n’est pas la risque d’inflation qui menace, aujourd’hui, l’Union européenne.

Demander à la Grèce de rembourser l’Allemagne n’a pas plus de sens puisque cette dernière peut emprunter sur les marchés financiers à un taux inférieur à celui de l’inflation, alors que la Grèce ne peut pas le faire, les taux qui lui sont demandés étant beaucoup trop élevés.

2- « Il faut respecter les règles » !

Mais qui les respecte ?

Ni l’Allemagne ni la France, dont les dettes frisent les 100 % de leur PIB alors que le traité d’Amsterdam est censé les limiter à 60 %.

Qui, à part l’Allemagne, respecte « la règle d’or » d’un déficit public fixé à 0,5 % du PIB par le TSCG de Merkel-Sarkozy ?

Qui respecte les calendriers fixés par la Commission européenne ? Certainement pas la France qui vient d’obtenir un nouveau « délai » de 2 ans pour atteindre un déficit égal à 3 % de son PIB, chiffre qui aurait dû être atteint en 2013. Il est vrai que cet objectif est inatteignable car la politique d’austérité entraîne la stagnation économique et la diminution des recettes fiscales. Il n’a qu’une seule fonction : tenter de justifier la diminution des dépenses sociales (4 milliards de plus viennent d’être exigés par la Commission) et les « réformes structurelles » qui, comme le projet de loi Macron, s’attaquent aux droits sociaux, en contrepartie de « délais » que, de toute façon, la réalité imposait.

Quelles règles la BCE respecte-t-elle quand elle acceptait que la dette que l’Irlande avait auprès d’elle ne soit pas remboursée à l’échéance prévue, en 2013, mais qu’elle refuse la même facilité à la Grèce, en 2015, sous prétexte que son règlement ne le lui permet pas, alors que ce règlement est toujours le même ?

Quelles règles la BCE respecte-t-elle quand elle décide qu’elle ne peut plus accepter les obligations publiques grecques en garantie, début février, parce qu’elles sont mal notées par les agences de notation et qu’elle décide, fin février, après que l’Eurogroupe a considéré la liste des réformes du gouvernement grec comme valables, de les accepter de nouveau bien qu’entre temps, les agences de notation aient baissé leurs notes ?

Quelle règle l’UE respectait-elle quand elle imposait à l’État grec des réformes législatives du droit du travail ? Selon le traité de Lisbonne, l’Union n’a qu’une « compétence subsidiaire » dans ce domaine et ne peut que « soutenir et compléter » [1] l’effort des États. Alors que l’UE a imposé une diminution de 22 % du Smic grec (32 % pour les moins de 25 ans !), aucune compétence en ce domaine ne lui est accordée par les traités européens. Il en va de même pour les négociations collectives : l’UE est intervenue illégalement pour imposer une transformation du droit de la négociation collective. Selon le Comité européens des droits sociaux du Conseil de l’Europe, la « Charte des droits sociaux » n’a pas été respectée sur de nombreux points, notamment en imposant un salaire minimum pour les jeunes de moins de 25 ans, inférieur au seuil de pauvreté.

Quelles règles l’UE respecte-t-elle en prêtant des milliers de milliards d’euros aux banques européennes qui, avec leurs homologues aux États-Unis, nous ont plongé dans la crise financière de 2007-2008 et dans la crise économique qui a suivi, sans que ces banques aient le moindre compte à rendre sur l’utilisation de ces fonds ? Comment après avoir fait preuve d’un tel laxisme pour les banques, l’UE peut-elle refuser de prêter quelques milliards d’euros à la Grèce afin de lui permettre de faire face à la situation d’urgence humanitaire dans laquelle l’a plongée la politique imposée par la Commission et le FMI ?

Quelle règle l’UE respecte-t-elle quand elle conditionne toute sa politique à la « logique » des marchés financiers, mais qu’elle ne demande pas aux créanciers d’assumer les risques qu’ils ont pris ? Pourquoi n’a-t-elle pas laissé les banques payer la note de leur spéculation sur les dettes publiques grecque, irlandaise, portugaise ou espagnole, alors que ces banques avaient encaissé des primes de risque considérables, dépassant parfois le taux de 10 % ?

3- « Une dette doit être remboursée ! »

C’est ce qu’affirment les dirigeants européens et, en premier lieu, les conservateurs qui dirigent l’Allemagne.

Mais la reconstruction de l’Allemagne, le « miracle allemand » n’ont-ils pas été permis par la restructuration de sa dette publique, lors de l’Accord de Londres de 1953 ? Cet accord a entériné une restructuration considérable de la dette allemande : de 29,5 milliards de Deutsche marks à seulement 14,3 milliards [2]. Dans les faits, l’Allemagne de l’Ouest (la RFA) n’a jamais eu à rembourser un montant supérieur à 5 % de la valeur de ses exportations annuelles. Qui plus est, la RFA a réussi à faire admettre qu’elle n’était pas responsable de la totalité des sommes dues et que l’Allemagne de l’Est (la RDA) devait en supporter une part. Elle a donc réussi à conditionner le paiement d’intérêts supplémentaires à la réunification de l’Allemagne dans le cadre d’un « traité de paix ». En 1990, Helmut Kohl a obtenu (grossier artifice juridique) que le terme de « traité de paix » ne figure pas dans le traité de Moscou qui réunifiait l’Allemagne. Ces intérêts supplémentaires ont été purement et simplement annulés.

La vérité est qu’il n’y a pas de règle intangible dans l’Union européenne. Ces règles varient en fonction des rapports de forces ou des calculs politiques de la Commission européenne, des gouvernements de l’UE et de la BCE.

Le 2 Mars 2015

Notes

[1] Cf l’article de Michel Miné : « Renforcer le droit du travail en Grèce » - Médiapart - 23 février 2015.

[2] Cf l’article de Yves Hulmann « 1953, le tournant qui a permis à l’Allemagne de rebondir » - Le Temps - 28 juillet 2012.

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