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Nouveau leader du Labour

Jeremy Corbyn va perturber la gauche européenne

mercredi 16 septembre 2015 par Philippe Marlière, Maître de conférences en science politique à l’université de Londres

 

Quelle sera la portée de l’élection de Jeremy Corbyn à la tête d’un des plus grands partis sociaux-démocrates européens ? Nul ne sait dans quelle mesure le nouveau leader travailliste parviendra à mettre en œuvre son programme qui comporte deux axes principaux : d’une part, redonner la parole aux militants ; de l’autre, rompre avec les politiques de démantèlement de l’Etat social. Corbyn n’aura pas la tâche facile : il devra faire face à l’hostilité affichée d’une large majorité de députés travaillistes, aux tentatives de déstabilisation de la bureaucratie partisane et aux attaques virulentes de la presse tabloïd, qui fustigera le retour d’un « dinosaure » du socialisme des années 1970.

Il serait hasardeux d’en conclure que la victoire de Corbyn va déboucher sur une crise profonde et son éviction rapide du poste de leader. Le député d’Islington n’est pas un candidat banal. Il est issu de l’aile gauche travailliste regroupée dans le Socialist Campaign Group qui compte actuellement neuf députés. Ce groupe entretient d’étroites relations de travail avec Unite et Unison, les deux principaux syndicats britanniques qui ont soutenu la candidature de Jeremy Corbyn. Pour bien comprendre le déroulé de cette campagne étonnante, il faut imaginer ce que serait en France le pendant de la situation britannique : Gérard Filoche recevrait l’investiture de son courant, Démocratie & Socialisme ; soutenu par la CGT et FO, il serait ensuite élu premier secrétaire du Parti socialiste par les députés, adhérents et sympathisants socialistes.

Un discours apaisant

Corbyn détonne dans le monde de la gauche européenne dans un autre registre : il s’est présenté à cette élection parce que ses camarades le lui avaient demandé, car « c’était son tour ». Il ne s’y est pas « préparé » en publiant des livres ou en faisant le tour des plateaux de télévision pour faire son autopromotion. Non, il y est allé, par sens du devoir, presque malgré lui. Et c’est là que réside la clé du « miracle Corbyn ». Le travailliste n’est pas un candidat, mais il est un mouvement. C’est le porte-parole « des gens ». Ni tribun ni démagogue, il fait mentir l’idée selon laquelle s’opposer, c’est « cliver » ou élever le ton de la voix. Corbyn s’oppose fermement, mais avec clarté et calme, et cela plaît au public.

Devant les journalistes, il déclare qu’il s’adresse à la Grande-Bretagne multiculturelle et multiethnique ; aux jeunes et aux vieux. Ce discours apaisant mobilise : un nombre impressionnant de jeunes, d’ex-militants, d’individus issus des minorités ethniques et des milieux populaires vient d’adhérer au Parti travailliste. Ce sont ces catégories mêmes qui, en général, désertent les partis de la gauche radicale ou sociale-démocrate.

Que Jeremy Corbyn ait voté un nombre record de fois contre les gouvernements Blair et Brown n’est pas considéré comme un comportement déloyal, mais comme la marque de son intégrité politique. À la Chambre, en juillet dernier, il fut le seul des candidats travaillistes à voter contre de nouvelles mesures d’austérité conservatrices. À cette occasion, il a de nouveau pris à contre-pied ses concurrents travaillistes en donnant une interprétation différente de la défaite d’Ed Miliband. Corbyn a expliqué que son prédécesseur n’avait pas été trop à gauche mais indécis, c’est-à-dire qu’il avait envoyé des signaux contradictoires à son électorat qui ne s’est donc pas mobilisé.

Tendre la main à toute la gauche

Avec Jeremy Corbyn, le Parti travailliste va tendre la main à l’ensemble de la gauche : sociale-démocrate, verte, nationaliste (SNP et Plaid Cymru) et radicale. En Europe, il s’adressera aussi aux dirigeants du Front de gauche, de Podemos ou de Syriza. Il ambitionne de construire un front anti-austérité avec tout le monde. On n’entendra pas Corbyn pérorer sur les notions de « souveraineté nationale-populaire », mais il tentera d’œuvrer concrètement à la construction d’un mouvement contre l’hégémonie néolibérale au sein des institutions communautaires. En socialiste conséquent, il sait que la sortie de la Grande-Bretagne de l’Union européenne ne ferait pas disparaître par enchantement au niveau national les structures de domination capitaliste.

En réalité, ce sexagénaire sans charisme est le grand perturbateur des gauches sociales-démocrates et radicales, engoncées dans leurs certitudes droitières et gauchistes. Il vient en effet de donner un coup de vieux aux néolibéraux qui dirigent les partis sociaux-démocrates. Il a montré qu’on pouvait être populaire auprès de l’électorat en faisant des propositions anti-austérité : renationalisation des chemins de fer, augmentation de la masse monétaire (quantitative easing) pour investir dans les services publics et opposition aux partenariats privés-publics, contrôle des prix du loyer, non-intervention armée en Syrie et abandon de la force de frappe nucléaire ; autant de propositions qui sont plébiscitées par une large majorité de Britanniques. Voici un leader de parti social-démocrate qui n’essayera pas de gagner une élection au centre en singeant les politiques de la droite. On n’avait pas vu cela depuis plus de trente ans en Europe !

Le succès de Jeremy Corbyn devrait également amener la gauche radicale à repenser sa propre stratégie qui, trop souvent, entremêle langue de bois eschatologique et sectarisme auto-défaitiste. Avec Corbyn aux commandes, certains dirigeants « radicaux » pourraient enfin comprendre qu’insulter à répétition les chefs sociaux-démocrates ne fait qu’incommoder le public. Jeremy Corbyn pourrait aussi leur montrer qu’un mouvement majoritaire de gauche ne se construit pas en cultivant le soutien de fidèles radicalisés, mais en s’adressant à tous.

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